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February 2008

February 05, 2008

Sons of Iraq

The CLCs--Concerned Local Citizens--are no longer. Just a
week ago, people could keep the acronym off their lips.
Everything revolved around the CLCs--using them to continue to build on the
improved security in much of Iraq; getting them to work with the police;
getting some of them on the police force; making sure they weren't
bringing heavy weapons to their checkpoint sites; synching up
their goals to that of the government of Iraq. But now, no one is
mentioning the CLCs. With the amazing speed of an acronym-
happy military, I've found out that the new, hot-off-the-presses
Iraqi-approved term is "Sons of Iraq." SOI for short. Seems that
"Concerned Local Citizen" didn't translate into Arabic so well, and
the Iraqis didn't like it. So now, when you mention armed groups
of civilians manning checkpoints and doing the work that the Iraqi
Police and Army either will not or can not do, be sure to call them the
"Sons of Iraq."

February 04, 2008

What a set of wheels is good for

"The high tech weapons developed in the 1990s--the smart bombs and computerized networks--certainly gave the U.S. military and unrestricted edge on the battlefield. But they don't win wars; they can't achieve the political objectives that inspire a war in the first place. They're useful for toppling regimes, but of no use in inspiring order afterward. In the end, the old verities--boots on the ground, shrewd strategy, knowledge of the local language and culture--remain key."

That's Fred Kaplan, in an excerpt from his forthcoming book "Daydream Believers," reprinted in Slate on Sunday. This isn't revolutionary stuff--military journals, some of the smarter milblogs and Secretary of Defense Gates have all been saying the same thing for some time--but being embedded with the U.S. Army's 2nd Stryker Brigade Combat Team just west of Baghdad this past week, I've seen some of these technologies in action. The Stryker vehicles I've tooled around in ride like the Cadillac of combat vehicles--their maneuverability around the HESCO barriers and blast walls the Iraqi CLC groups have erected all over the roads in this rural region is remarkable, and their speed, range and force protection is unmatched. The regular infantry carrier can put nine infantrymen on the ground, and comes equipped with a .50 caliber machine gun controlled by a gunner who views the battlespace from inside the vehicle through a camera sight. The senior officer or NCO can view the same image from his own screen, but always (in my experience) prefers to stand up, scanning the road through the front hatch. Rear gunners stand in the two back hatches--and all are connected though networked headsets, which provide total communication at all times. Top that off with a maximum speed of 60 mph with a 330-mile range, along with FBCB2 and Blue Force Tracking systems, and you've got a hell of a vehicle....

Read the rest at Defense Technology International's blog, ARES

COP Courage

Last week, the news from Iraq was pretty grim. Five U.S. soldiers were killed near Mosul, two female suicide bombers struck in Baghdad, killing scores of innocent civilians, and leaders of the Concerned Local Citizens--Iraqis who are paid $300 a month by American forces to police their own neighborhoods--were targeted by al Qaeda and other indigenous insurgent groups. But there was a lot more going on in Iraq than that. Most critically for the current war effort are the small combat outposts spread throughout the country as part of General Petraeus' counterinsurgency plan -- company-sized bases that are trying to build some sort of political and security infrastructure from the ground up. This is what the American war effort arguably should have been about all along, but only now are American forces truly fighting a counterinsurgency.

Out in the muddy winter farmland just northwest of Baghdad,
wedged between Baghdad and Anbar province, the 760 soldiers of the
Army's 1st Battalion, 21st Infantry Regiment, 2nd Stryker Brigade
Combat Team, 25th Infantry Division, attached to the 2nd Stryker
Calvary Regiment are in the middle of the fight. Out here amid the
irrigation canals and tall reed lines that dissect the landscape
stands Combat Outpost Courage, manned by the 180 soldiers of Charlie
Company. The base is little more than a ring of T-walls surrounding
a tall farmhouse and a smattering of tents. Like other combat outposts
across Iraq, the men of Charlie company live a Spartan lifestyle,
eating their meals on cardboard trays on which food from large
plastic bins is slopped, showering in trailers, and using portable
toilets. A small trailer with several telephones and computers for
Internet access serves as their contact with the outside world.

The company arrived at the outpost on January 1, 2008, and will
call this dot on the map of Iraq home for the next 15 months. It's
all part of the counterinsurgency plan that began to show successes
in late 2007, taking U.S. forces away from the big bases and
scattering them around the country to swim like Mao's fish in the
sea of the people.

Here, company commander Captain Glen Helberg, an affable 30-
year old Virginian, can walk down the road to a local sheik's house
for dinner to discuss local politics, and locals can walk up to the
gates to share information or lodge complaints. Helberg, and other
company grade officers like him, is doing the messy business of local
politics with little help from the Iraqi government, which hardly
exists in the area, and little input from an American diplomatic corps
that ideally would be right there with him.

There is no good definition of victory in a fight like this, nor is
there any good way to pull out, not with the slow, tenuous progress
soldiers are making at the local level. This isn't to say that we're
winning--or losing--the fight, only that the United States at a crucial
juncture where things can easily swing back toward chaos, or ahead to
increased security, and quickly. The choice at this point truly lies
with the Iraqi people, and their government, or whatever branches
of their government might actually functioning. American soldiers out
here are at one of those famous crossroads in Iraq that pundits love to
proclaim to have found, performing several levels beyond their pay grade
in acting simultaneously as war fighters, diplomats, civil servants and
tribal consigliores, while trying to build trust between Sunni and Shia
sheiks, the Iraqi Army, the Iraqi police, local Nahia and Qada councils
(something like city and county governments) and the Concerned Local
Citizens movement, any of whom might be working at cross-purposes with
one another at any given time.

When I came to Courage in late January, Helberg's men had only
taken ownership of the area from the 2/5 Calvary a few weeks
before, but already he and his platoon leaders were well-versed in
the politics of the area. If you were looking for a down and dirty
example of the application of counterinsurgency doctrine on the
ground, you could hardly find a better place.

February 03, 2008

Finally

I've had this site set up for some quick blog posts while embedded with the 1/25 Strykers in Iraq, but time constraints and technological problems have kept it dark. No longer! With some luck I'll be able to begin posting during the last two weeks of my trip. For starters, I spent a week with two companies from the "Gimlets" -- the 1st Batalion, 21st Infantry Regiment, 2nd Stryker Brigade Combat Team, 25th Infantry Division. They patrol a rural area about 230 square kilometers just northwest of Baghdad.

The area the two companies I've embedded with (Company C and Company B, operating out of small, company-sized patrol bases called Courage and Warrior, respectively) is sparsely populated, with a population running about 85% Sunni. The Iraqi government doesn't have much of a presence in the region, and the Iraqi Army (IA) is only now preparing to move in to begin joint patrols with American forces. This is causing no small amount of consternation among the Sunnis here (the IA being mostly Shia), and that's no small thing.  The commanders on the ground have to navigate a complex political landscape made up of the loval nahia councils, tribal sheiks, the Iraqi Police and the 1500-odd CLCs, or Concerned Local Citizens, who are paid $300 a month each to man checkpoints on the roads and help police their own neighborhoods.   These different groups all have their own leaders, agendas, and visions of the future, and for now it's up to the American forces on the ground to try and bring them all together, while conducting their own combat operations.

Things are mostly quiet, with a few potshots being taken at the CLCs here and there, but the American forces I embedded with are ready for anything, at any time, as you'll see from stuff I'll post here in the upcoming days.